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The labor movement is the ‘responsibility movement’

Gov. Hickenlooper commented last week that President Obama would have a hard time winning in Colorado in 2012. He cited dissatisfaction among voters over the high unemployment rate.

Republicans were so delighted, they almost wet themselves. John Andrews, former Colorado state senate president, was among the giddy.

If a Republican defeats Obama in 2012, Andrews wrote in the Denver Post, “Americans will have decided it’s grab the wheel or crash. The leadership reversal . . . would simply be the culmination of a citizenship resurgence that began a year or two ago,” he said, referring to the emergence of the Tea Party. He believes the Tea Party is a so-called “responsibility movement” that will challenge both political parties to do the right thing.

What a crock.

Andrews’ Tea Party pals believe that castrating the middle class is the road to a successful economy. Actually, it would be a disaster. You simply cannot diminish the consumer buying power of the middle class and have a viable economy. Third World economies don’t work. They make the rich richer and the poor poorer.

Moreover, the Tea Party is a small slice of the conservative base of the Republican Party, and its narrow ideology will never allow it to be much more than that.

Fortunately, there is the emergence of a real “responsibility movement,” which could have a great and beneficial effect on our nation: It is the trade union movement and it could save the nation’s middle class.

Largely ignored by the press, the nation’s unions continue to turn out thousands of members at pro-worker demonstrations in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan and other states where labor is under attack by Republican governors and legislators.

Union volunteers in Wisconsin collected petitions required to qualify six Democratic state senate candidates to oppose Republican incumbents in a November recall election. Democrats need only win three of these seats to thwart Gov. Scott Walker’s anti-middle class agenda.

In a counter recall move, Republican candidates tried to challenge seven Democratic incumbents. Six failed to make the ballot and one was beaten decisively in July by an incumbent senator who is a longtime Teamster.

Ohio’s John Kasich is another very unpopular governor. Mostly union volunteers recently gathered nearly 1.3 million signatures when only 231,149 were required to place an initiative on the Ohio ballot in November that will repeal Kasich’s anti-collective bargaining law.

Walker and Kasich aren’t the only Republican governors sinking in the polls. GOP governors in Florida, Michigan, Maine and New Hampshire are all becoming victims of their own war on the middle class.

In addition, 14 right-to-work proposals were introduced in state legislatures this year. Only one state (New Hampshire) passed it, but the bill was vetoed by the governor. Apparently, the union busters failed to learn from Colorado where voters overwhelmingly defeated a right-to-work ballot initiative in 2008.

Apathetic union and non-union workers have failed for the past 20 years to realize that stagnant wages, the unfettered use of strikebreakers, an indifferent mainstream press and betrayal by many of their so-called friends in the Democratic Party were recognized as signs of weakness by those who want to destroy labor.

But after the sneak attacks on unions this year in so many states, workers are waking up.

They are finally realizing what is at stake in the War on Workers, and they are volunteering for duty by the thousands.

This is the real “responsibility movement.”

Waiting for a rough ride

I have been around the political scene for more years than I can remember, and I can’t recall a time when there was more polarization. I also can’t remember a time when the personal wealth—such as it is—of the nation’s middle class was more at risk.

When I began writing this piece, Moody’s had just issued a warning that the United States might lose its Triple A credit rating if Congress doesn’t pass legislation increasing the nation’s debt limit before an Aug. 2 deadline.

You know the story. Republicans, who have voted to raise the debt limit many times in the past (seven times during the George W. Bush presidency), now say they won’t vote to raise it this year without accompanying spending cuts, namely in Social Security and Medicare.

Democrats won’t vote for that. They’d rather raise taxes on the rich or close tax loopholes. President Obama wants some sort of combination of both, which is probably the most responsible way to solve the problem. Shared sacrifice, they call it.

I believe it when most of the nation’s economists tell us that if we default on our debt, everyone in the world—including you and me—will suffer.

In the Great Recession of 2008, I lost most of a piddling SEP retirement account I had been paying into for several years. My wife lost a third of her 401k.

Many of you are probably familiar with the dreadful, nauseous feeling that overcomes a person who wakes up in the morning to find he has lost much of his/her retirement security. You also know of the depression that subsequently sets in after you realize the ramifications of your loss.

I believe those in charge will find a way to solve the debt crisis, but I still don’t trust them. When one side is totally financed by the richest people and most powerful corporations in the world, and the other side is partially financed by the same guys, how can you possibly trust any of them?

If they don’t come to their senses soon, buckle up; it’s going to be a rough ride.

Watch the ‘blue dog’ Democrats on Medicare

Keep your eye on the Democrats during the ongoing debate over the future of Medicare.

Some of the so-called “blue dog” Democrats have already indicated they might consider certain aspects of the Republican plan advanced by Congressman Paul Ryan of Wisconsin. Ryan’s plan would replace Medicare with a phony voucher plan that would only benefit the insurance companies while severely limiting health care for seniors.

It ought to be a certainty that Democratic lawmakers who support any semblance of such a plan will face a primary election opposition in the next election cycle. If anti-worker Republicans can convince nominal Democrats to support them on this issue, it will be a major factor in the eventual purge of the nation’s middle class.

It wouldn’t surprise anyone if certain Democrats try to convince constituents that the Ryan plan can be tinkered with enough that it might really work.

That’s BS; don’t let them get away with it

Democratic constituents around the country — including every rank-and-file union member — ought to demand a commitment from their lawmakers that they will not tinker with the basic structure of Medicare.

Here in Colorado, we’ve heard Mark Udall say he will work to preserve Medicare. We can’t give Senator Udall high marks for specificity, but will give him a passing grade for the time being.

Senator Bennet’s recent statement, though, should raise eyebrows. He said we “must redesign our entitlement programs,” whatever that means.

It’s time to find out.

Colorado legislators join forces with anti-worker zealots

Most Republicans in the Colorado House of Representatives have joined the gang of right wing, anti-worker zealots led by Governor Scott Walker of Wisconsin, who is at the forefront of a national assault on the nation’s middle class.

Some 26 GOP House members sponsored a bill (HB 1320) in the waning days of the 2011 legislative session that would have prohibited collective bargaining by state employees.

The fact there is no collective bargaining now among state employees was apparently of no concern to the legislators, including Frank McNulty, speaker of the House. They wanted to send a message to the working men and women of this state: They intend to come after your wages, hours and working conditions.

So, although HB 1320 died before a final vote could be taken in the legislature, it should scare hell out of every worker, union and nonunion alike, in this state. Because unions set wage standards for all workers, nonunion workers are also prime targets of the war on workers.

This is the first overt action taken by Colorado Republicans in the ongoing nationwide campaign to destroy, not only the labor movement, but also the middle class, which it helped to create. It is hard to understand why the 26 Colorado representatives decided at this time to jump on Governor Walker’s bus, which doesn’t seem to be going anywhere.

Polling in Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Florida and Maine shows the GOP is suffering a tremendous erosion of support from independents and nominal Democrats that they enjoyed in the 2010 election. And, lest Colorado Republicans forget, a right-to-work (for less) initiative was defeated in Colorado in 2008 by an overwhelming margin.

So far, of the14 states that have tried this year to pass right-to-work (for less) laws — which sap labor’s strength in collective bargaining for workers’ wages, hours and working conditions — only New Hampshire has come close to succeeding.

Public opinion has shifted in favor of collective bargaining rights as unions took center stage in many state capitols. A Gallup poll in April showed almost half of Americans agree with workers and their unions. Only 39 percent agree with the governors who attacked working people.

In Wisconsin, six of the most vulnerable Republican senators will face a recall election on July 12. After Governor Walker and the GOP-controlled Senate voted to abolish collective bargaining in the state, union members quickly gathered enough signatures to put the recall elections on the ballot.

Even though they may have overreached after their massive election victory in 2010, it doesn’t appear Republicans will soon retreat from their war on workers. Their corporate contributors have for years sought to impose Third World conditions on the American workforce. There is no reason to believe they will ever abandon that goal.

That’s why they have targeted the unions. Unions are the protector of the middle class. When the unions are defeated, the middle class ceases to exist. To all those nonunion workers who think they have no dog in this fight; think again.

Get smart. Fight back.

Time for rank-and-file to join the fight

The vicious attack on workers being carried out in states throughout the country is a hard lesson for America’s rank-and-file union members about the dangers of putting anti-worker candidates in control of state governments.

The lesson: Trade unionists flirt with disaster when they fail to vote in their own best interest.

In November, voters in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, Missouri, Indiana, Florida and several smaller states elected an anti-labor gang of governors and like-minded state legislators who now control a majority of states. Many of the new legislators were Tea Party members, some of whom are in the forefront of the attack on labor.

Most of these states have historically been good labor states, with a high density of union members in the workplace. Obviously, many of those workers voted for candidates who promised them everything except the good wages, hours, working conditions, benefits and job security offered by their union jobs. Polls show the workers fell for it.

When they were campaigning, anti-labor gang members didn’t tell the electorate they would wage a campaign to destroy the unions after they were elected. But union leaders knew better; they warned the nation’s workers, but nobody was listening.

And now the Republican governors and legislators are trying to do what union leaders predicted: destroy the labor movement.

Without unions–which set compensation standards for all workers, union and nonunion—wages will plummet, benefits will be nonexistent and job security will be wishful thinking. And–pity the miners and others who work in dangerous fields–there will be no standards for occupational safety and health.

Eventually the U.S. workforce will become a Third World workforce. And that is the goal of the billionaires, millionaires and corporations.

The excuse the union-busters hide behind in their scurrilous attack on workers is that their states face huge budget deficits and they must reduce state expenditures.

Hogwash.

Workers aren’t the villains in the country’s economic mess by any stretch of the imagination. Wall Street money manipulators are the real culprits, and they have been bailed out by the taxpayers, which includes the country’s workforce.

The attack on public sector unions is on the front pages of the nation’s newspapers only because they make the most convenient target for cash-strapped states.

But the anti-labor gang is really after all unions.

Private sector unions are also being targeted throughout the country. Right-to-work and/or paycheck deception proposals are being introduced in several states. Project labor agreements and prevailing wage laws are also under siege.

So the anti-worker campaign is not simply an attack on public sector unions. It covers both public and private sector unions. If they manage to get one, they are likely to get the other.

If they do, they will have completed the most effective assault ever on the standard of living of the nation’s middle class.

The stakes for the American worker is are as high as they’ve ever been. The time is now for America’s workers get off the couch, switch off the television and join the fight for a secure future.

GOP uneasy; Dems reluctant in vicious war on workers

For awhile the Republicans, because of their huge 2010 election victories in congress, state legislatures and governors’ offices, were pretty damn cocky about their chances to unseat President Obama in 2012.

Now, however, Republicans appear worried, especially with polls indicating that the GOP is on the wrong side of an ongoing fight with the country’s trade unions. Wisconsin unions have collected almost half the signatures required to hold a recall election for eight Republican state senators.

And they have acquired them in only one-fourth of the time allotted. Apparently the Republicans have kicked the proverbial sleeping dog — rank-and-file union members who had been posing as Rip Van Winkle until Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker booted them in the butt.

It might seem odd, but nevertheless true, that some Democrats are uptight, too, given labor’s breath of new life. The Scott Walker episode in Wisconsin could be a defining moment for both the labor movement and the Democratic Party.

If workers can stay as focused for the next two years as they have recently in opposing Republican union busting efforts, then the election of 2012 will be the rebirth of a diminishing labor movement. And if the Democratic Party holds the example of the Wisconsin 14 as the standard to which all of their candidates aspire, then the party will again become the party of the middle class.

Democrats bear a share of the blame for the vicious war on middle class workers being conducted primarily in the Midwest by the Republicans. If Democrats had stayed true to their middle class base, they would not have been so thoroughly beaten in the 2010 election.

Government statistics show that for the past 30 years workers have not received a fair share of the wealth they helped create, and it is not totally the fault of Republicans.

Unfortunately, over those years, some Democrats have taken the unions for granted, gladly accepting labor’s campaign money and giving little in return. These are the so-called New Democrats who pay lip service to bread-and-butter labor issues, while kissing up to the corporate bosses for campaign contributions.

“You can get these guys’ votes once in awhile on a labor issue, but sometimes you have to pound them over the head to do it. On bigger issues, like EFCA and NAFTA, they constantly look for places to hide,” said a union lobbyist based in Washington, D.C.

“That’s what playing footsie with the corporate donors does to this type of Democrat,” he said. “It makes them wishy-washy, divides their loyalties. They don’t want to offend the business guys. It’s a weasel’s approach to politics.”

Even on occasions when they controlled both executive and legislative branches of government, Democrats failed to reform antiquated federal labor laws that are exceedingly biased in management’s favor. This is a major reason organized labor today represents less than 12 percent of the workforce, down from 25 percent in the 1970s.

Those who have declared war on workers —the rightwing conservatives and their wealthy patrons– are determined to destroy the standard of living of all American workers, both union and nonunion. Their goal is a Third World workforce in the United States, which they have been working toward for many years.

Whether or not America’s middle class wins the war on workers depends largely on the unions. Labor created the middle class, and will not abandon it. From the size and intensity of the pro-union supporters in recent rallies, it appears the labor movement has only begun to fight.

And we’re waiting impatiently for Democrats in all states —not just those in Wisconsin and other embattled states who have been valiant– to join the battle.

Will the Post ever get it?

Editorial writers at the Denver Post just can’t get it; they don’t understand the concept of collective bargaining.

We have tried to explain it to them two or three times in the past year, but they either can’t or won’t grasp the idea. For example:

On Sunday, Feb. 27, the Post, for the second time in about five weeks, urged Governor Hickenlooper to rescind an executive order issued by former Governor Bill Ritter. The executive order allows state workers to be represented by a union that can show it represents a sizable segment of workers in a department.

As we pointed out last month this representation isn’t accompanied by any collective bargaining right, which is a factor required for an employee-employer relationship to be a bona fide labor-management relationship. And, without the right to bargain collectively, a union cannot negotiate a legally binding agreement covering wages, hours and working conditions.

Ritter’s executive order doesn’t even give the unions “limited” bargaining rights. as the Post claims. It simply allows employees of certain departments to express a collective opinion on workplace issues if they wish to do so. Workers have no right to negotiate anything. They can however, make suggestions.

“Rescinding the order not only would send an important and decisive message to business leaders, and to labor, it could save Colorado from more financial trouble in the future,” says the Post in its editorial.

“While there’s no extra money in state coffers to argue over now,” the Post adds, “when the economy recovers, the state’s newly organized workforce eventually will ask for the cash.”

The Post believes that “echoes rumbling from Madison and elsewhere ought to goad Hickenlooper into rethinking his position.”

What is happening in Madison has absolutely no resemblance to what is happening in Colorado. In Colorado, state employees are not allowed to engage in collective bargaining.
Colorado unions can ask for the moon if they wish, but without real collective bargaining, the state is not required to negotiate for anything, including wages, hours, working conditions, which include work rules.

“We’ve argued before that Hickenlooper should rescind the order, but he shows no intention of doing so,” says the Post. “How is it possible the politically savvy governor has gone so tone deaf?”

That’s an easy one for the governor, who obviously is savvier than the Post editorialists.

Undoubtedly, he understands the scope of the executive order and realizes it does not constitute anything close to collective bargaining.

We’d advise the Post editorial writers to do their homework.

Where are the Colorado Democrats?

It was nice to see that a sizable group of Democratic legislators were viewing the workers’ rights rally Tuesday from the exterior second floor balcony of the Capitol.

That was really the first public indication that Colorado Democratic lawmakers had any interest in the plight of union workers in Wisconsin, even though that dispute has been ongoing for nearly two weeks.

Where were all the Democrats? Senate President Brandon Schaffer was there and a handful of other Democrats were probably in the crowd. Congressman Ed Perlmutter showed up but didn’t speak.

It was not, by any means, a forceful show of political support for working men and women.

I thought there would be a huge number of politicians demanding to speak at the rally. Maybe they weren’t asked. I don’t know. House Democrats said they were not permitted by the Republican majority leadership from leaving the house floor during the rally.

It’s hard to believe that, with a one-member majority in the House, the Republicans could prevent anybody from doing anything.
Perhaps the Democrats didn’t want to go outside on a beautiful winter day in Colorado. Or maybe they didn’t want to mingle with the Great Unwashed.

I’ll tell you this, though, if this rally had occurred 25 years ago, Democrats and even some Republicans would have walked off the floor and demanded to speak to the workers.

Legislators such as Eldon Cooper, a UAW official who later became president of the Colorado AFL-CIO; Dick Soash, a Democrat who represented a lot of miners in the northwest part of the state; Dave Wattenberg, a Republican from Walden; Ken Chlouber, a Republican who had been a union miner at Leadville, and a host of others would have been either at the podium or in the crowd showing support for the workers.

But at least some of our state lawmakers have taken a stand for working men and women. Not so with the Colorado congressional delegation. Where is Diana DeGette when we need her?

Neither of our two stalwart U.S. senators–Mark Udall and Michael Bennet—has expressed an opinion on the union busting campaigns in Wisconsin, Indiana, Ohio, Missouri, Michigan and Montana.

On the day after the rally, Bennet sent out a press release on a speech he made in Boulder. Udall’s last press release informed us he was co-sponsoring a bill that would change permitting rules for ski areas on Forest Service Land.

My, oh my, what courage.

We can only hope that, as the war on workers in Wisconsin and other states evolves, a little of the courage exhibited by the 14 Wisconsin state senators will rub off on their Colorado counterparts.

They grow big ones in Wisconsin.

As for Colorado, ah, well, you know. . .

Wisconsin a good lesson for workers who vote against their own interests

The state of Wisconsin is providing a good lesson for America’s rank-and-file union members about the dangers of putting anti-worker candidates in control of both the legislative and executive branches of state government.

The lesson: That trade unionists flirt with disaster when they fail to vote in their own best interest.

In November, Wisconsin voters elected an anti-labor governor and put both houses of the state legislature in control of Republican lawmakers with similar attitudes toward working men and women. Many of the new legislators were Tea Party members, some of whom are in the forefront of the attack on labor.

Wisconsin has always been a good union state, with a high density of union members in the workplace. Obviously, many of them voted for candidates who promised them everything but the good wages, hours, working conditions, benefits and job security offered by their union jobs.

And now they are doing what union leaders said they would do if they were elected: They are embarking on a campaign to destroy unions.

Several governors in other states have joined the chorus in recent weeks by announcing that public sector union members will be targets for states facing huge budget deficits. For the most part, these deficits are caused by a national economy that has not yet fully recovered from the worst downturn since the Great Depression. They are not the fault of state workers.

Some of the governors are proposing reducing the number of state employees, cutting state salaries and benefits, such as pensions.
But Wisconsin’s Republican Gov. Scott Walker has gone a step further.

He has announced a budget plan that strips state workers of nearly all their collective bargaining rights, cuts pay and benefits and says there will be no negotiations.

Then, as if he were a grade B actor in a grade C melodrama, Scott said he has alerted the National Guard to be ready in case state workers strike or rise in protest. He told the Associated Press he’s been working on contingency plans for months.

According to the AFL-CIO, the last time the National Guard was used against public workers was the Memphis sanitation strike in1968, just before Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated. The last time the Guard was called out in Wisconsin to quell a labor dispute was the 1934 Kohler strike by the UAW.

The attack on public sector unions is on the front pages of the nation’s newspapers because they make the most convenient target for cash-strapped states.

But they are after all unions.

Private sector unions are also being targeted throughout the country. Right-to-work and/or paycheck deception proposals are being introduced in several states. Project labor agreements and prevailing wage laws are also under siege.

So the anti-worker campaign is not simply an attack on public sector unions. It covers both public and private sector unions. It they manage to get one, they are likely to get the other.

If they do, they will have completed the most effective assault ever on the standard of living of the nation’s middle class.

From the union busters: SCREW YOU, WORKING MEN AND WOMEN!

There are attacks on labor now underway nationwide that could effectively impose Third World wages, hours and working conditions on American workers, both union and nonunion.

These attacks are primarily aimed at destroying the nation’s union movement, but all working men and women would be affected because unions set wage standards for all workers.

Conservative and not so conservative politicians are zeroing in on both private and public employee unions. Private sector unions are under extreme attack because of the major election victories by anti worker candidates in the 2010 election. Public employee unions loom as huge targets for many states that are plagued by budget deficits, which are products of the nation’s struggling economy.

The National Right-to-Work Committee is expected to lead a concerted effort to either pass right-to-work laws in state legislatures or to place the issue on various state ballots in the 2012 election. The New York Times has reported that right-to-work will be introduced this year into legislatures in Indiana, Missouri, Maine and possibly seven other states, including Montana.

Historically, right-to-work exerts downward pressure on wages and benefits and diminishes working conditions for workers in states where it is passed. Voters overwhelmingly defeated a right-to-work proposal in Colorado in 2008, but at a cost of $22 million to the unions. The cost would be enormous if unions were forced to fight multiple right-to-work ballot issues in the 2012 election.

In addition to right-to-work, labor will face other onerous issues. Paycheck deception bills, which prohibit rank-and-file members from participating in the political process, will probably be introduced 16 states, including Arizona and New Mexico, Anti-prevailing wage proposals are expected to surface in 19 states and bills banning project labor agreements are expected in 18. Such bills, or variations of them, could be introduced in Arizona, New Mexico and Wyoming.

Some public sector unions are being targeted ostensibly to help states reduce budget shortfalls caused by the recession.

In Ohio, where both houses of the legislature and the governor’s office are controlled by Republicans, Governor John Kasich has proposed that certain segments of the government be prohibited from unionizing, and he wants to take the right to strike from others. Elimination of binding arbitration for police and fire fighters has also been suggested in Ohio. Wisconsin’s governor, Scott Walker, has proposed to eliminate the right of state employees to form unions.

Politicians, it seems, want to make working men and women the scapegoats for the country’s wretched economic situation, which provides a great opportunity to attack unions.

Corporate America knows organized labor is in a vulnerable position. After the election in November, labor has much less support, not only in Congress but also in numbers of labor friendly governors and state legislatures. Moreover, union density in the nation’s workforce is only eight percent.

The labor movement is the last barrier that Corporate America faces in its quest for a Third World workforce. Right now, the corporations are at the tiller, steering a course that is ideal for billionaires, but devastating for the working class.